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Economic Highlights
India Goes Overboard:KOWTOWING TO THE CHINESE,by Poonam I Kaushish, 19 April 2008 |
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POLITICAL DIARY
New Delhi, 19 April 2008
India Goes Overboard
KOWTOWING TO THE
CHINESE
By Poonam I Kaushish
The security said it all. Seventeen thousand policemen, National
Security Guard commandoes, Chinese security personnel, clogged roads, lakhs
stranded, over 45,000 man hours lost, 3 lakh cars burning 1.3 lakh litres of
extra fuel, 50 flights cancelled and over 200 passengers stranded. All to keep
away the Tibetan protestors and the Indian public from the Olympic torch run on
New Delhi’s
Rajpath stretch and its onward journey to the airport on Thursday last. So much
for keeping alive the Olympian spirit!
Worse, New Delhi’s lack of self
esteem was on full national public display when it kowtowed to the Chinese
paranoia about the safety of the Olympic torch from protesting Tibetans. It is
all very well to assert that New Delhi as the host country was only trying to
securitise the safe passage of the torch along with trying to do a balancing
act: Of maintaining ties with China while preserving the
"unique" relationship with the Tibetans and continuing to host the
Dalai Lama.
However, by playing both ends against the middle it ended up
with egg on its face. Heavens would not have fallen if the Tibetan protestors
had been allowed to protest on the sidelines of the Olympic ceremony.
Specially, after the Dalai Lama had given a clarion call to his followers to
abhor violence. Till date the Tibetan protests have been peaceful. Moreover, India is a
democracy with strong fundamentals of free speech and expression unlike
Communist China gagged by its Government. Remember, the Tiananmen
Square massacre.
Also, recall, that Beijing
did not raise the ante against the UK
and France when the Olympic
torch was snuffed out and carried away by Tibetan protestors in London and Paris.
What prevented New Delhi
from following the American lead? Fearing that Tibetan protestors would try to
abort the torch ceremony in San
Francisco, it changed the venue at the last minute.
If truth be told, New Delhi
allowed itself to be outmaneuvered by Beijing
yet again. Asserted a China
watcher: “I appreciate high idealism, the ideals of democracy. But I think what
one has to look at is, ‘What is your leverage? What is your possibility of
bringing about change in Indo-Sino ties?’” “Zero.”
Raising a moot point: Why do we always kowtow to the Chinese? Are we
scared?
Specially against the backdrop that Beijing
has shifted the goalpost on the border issue immediately after the Prime
Minister’s return from China
early this year. First, it took strong exception to Manmohan Singh’s visit to
Arunachal and accused India
of building bunkers on the Sikkim
borders. It claimed that Indian troops were transgressing into the Chinese side
of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and building structures along it and the
Indo-Bhutan border. No matter the Chinese had destroyed bunkers on the
India-Bhutan-Tibet tri-junction in November 2007.
Not only that. In the last few weeks Beijing
has got New Delhi to cancel the Vice President’s
meeting with the Dalai Lama, summoned our Ambassador past midnight to protest
against storming of its Embassy in New
Delhi. Chinese hackers have broken into External
Affairs Ministry’s computer network possibly accessing e-mails through which
officials communicate policy and decisions across the ministry’s offices in India and in
our foreign missions.
Topped by an anti-India article on the China Institute of
International Strategic Studies website titled ‘A Warning to the Indian
Government: Don’t Be Evil!’ and replicated in the People Liberation Army’s
journal. Calling India
“arrogant”, it states: The present situation is just like in 1962, when India
“misjudged the situation” and initiated a war “with the support of two
superpowers”. It is on the “same old path of confrontation with China. To
realise its ambition of becoming a regional and global power India was stationing its troops along its
borders, particularly the Siliguri Corridor and borders it shares with Nepal and Bhutan.”
Clearly exposing Beijing’s thinking
on strategic affairs viz New Delhi.
Let’s face it. The genesis of the Sino-Indo border dispute is not Arunachal or
the LAC but the strategically important Tibet,
sandwiched between India and China, which acted as a buffer and was regarded as
an impregnable barrier to security threats from India's north-east. Till the
Chinese invasion of Tibet in
1950 changed the equation between Beijing and New Delhi for all times
to come.
Sadly, the romanticist Nehru committed the crucial blunder
of seeing the Maoist takeover of Tibet as heralding a new era of Asian
renaissance and compounded it by signing a border trade agreement with China,
categorically acknowledging Tibet as a ‘Region’ of China. Without any clue of
where the ‘Region’s’ borders extended to. Predictably, a few months later,
Chinese maps surfaced showing large parts of Ladakh and Assam (now Arunachal) as parts of Tibet. When
Nehru asked his Chinese counterpart Chou en Lai, he said that the maps were
"old" and that he would have them reviewed. It never happened.
Over 58 years later, we find the continuance of Nehru’s soft
approach smacking of appeasement. Manmohan Singh, like Nehru not only seems to
be bending over backwards to appease the Chinese but also appears to be
following his disastrously flawed China policy. Like his
predecessors, he too has assured Beijing that
the Tibet is a part of China. Neither
has it protested over the building of a railway link to Lhasa,
which will improve its capacity in case of a conflict with India.
Reminiscent of the massive road building in the 50s to liberate Tibet. Even as
the Chinese persist in declaring Arunachal (specially Tawang) and large chunks
of Ladakh as parts of Tibet
and, therefore, an integral part of China.
Also, according to a top security expert, China may be tempted to engage in cross border
military moves in Arunachal to divert attention from Tibet in the future. Towards that
end it has started construction on its side of the old Stillwell road connecting
Arunachal with its Yunnan province through Myanmar. It
wants New Delhi to reopen this link, even as India plums for the road linking Manipur to Myanmar.
With water likely to emerge as a major security-related
issue in southern Asia in the years ahead, India
can hardly ignore the fact that the Indus, Sutlej and Brahmaputra originate in
occupied Tibet. Importantly, not many are aware that China controls
the origin base of many Indian rivers that originate in the Tibetan plateau.
While the country is facing a severe water crisis, Beijing has already anticipated future water
shortage and planned for it. Towards that end, it has constructed a dam at the
headwaters of the Sutlej and the Brahmaputra to divert their waters to its
parched provinces of Xingian and Gansu.
Thus aggravating India’s
water woes.
Beijing has been so loath to clearly define
the frontline with India
that it broke its 2001 promise to exchange maps of the eastern and western
sectors by the end of 2002. It continues to occupy 43,180 sq kms of J&K
including 5,180 sq km illegally ceded to Beijing
by Islamabad
under the Sino-Pakistan boundary agreement in 1963. China
accuses India
of 90,000 sq km of Chinese territory, mostly in Arunachal Pradesh
Scandalously, China continues to adopt double
standards in regards to the McMohan line. While on the Indo-Sino border it
regards the line as illegal, yet it recognizes the line demarcating its border
with Myanmar. As Myanmar
is no threat to Chinese influence in the region unlike India. On Sikkim
too, China may have ceased its cartographic aggression on it through its maps,
but the important point, often overlooked, is that it has yet to expressly
acknowledge that Sikkim is part of the Republic of India, while Arunachal is shown as a part of China and J&K as
disputed. Interestingly, the areas currently in occupation of Pakistan and China are conveniently left out.
Of great concern to New Delhi
are Beijing’s moves to make inroads in the Indian Ocean region. It has strengthened its presence in
the blue waters surrounding India. It has
built a port in Gwadar for Pakistan,
is financing port projects in Sri Lanka
and Myanmar, is helping Bangladesh
build its N-energy plan. Effectively rounding up India,
while keeping New Delhi
in good humour.
Time to take the Chinese bull by the horns and repair the
damage from the blunders of Nehru and successive Prime Ministers. One way for New Delhi to get Beijing to
give up its claims on Indian territories and formalise the present borders is
to build counter-leverage by quietly reopening the Tibet
annexation issue by China and
its subsequent failure to grant autonomy to the Tibetans, despite an express
pledge contained in the 17-point agreement it imposed on Tibet in 1951.
Manmohan Singh must remember that there is no place for
rhetoric in dealing with China.
Nor repeat the Olympic torch fiasco when in its eagerness to appease the
Chinese, New Delhi
scorched its national honour. This one
act carries with it a huge cost and a cross that India would have to bear for years
to come. Clearly, our leaders need to proceed cautiously and realistically in
their dealings with the inscrutable Chinese. --- INFA
(Copyright India News &Feature Alliance)
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OBCs Join Study Quota:HOW DO WE SPELL MERIT?,by Poonam I Kaushish,12 April 2008 |
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POLITICAL DIARY
New Delhi, 12 April 2008
OBCs Join Study
Quota
HOW DO WE SPELL
MERIT?
By Poonam I Kaushish
Ever wonder why the champions of Reservation Raj, our
politicos don’t ever talk about reserving 50 per cent seats in Parliament and
the State Legislatures for the SCs, STs and OBCs? Why stop at that. How about
having at least 27 per cent reserved ministerial posts? The answer? Our netagan simply don’t want to slice
their cake. After all, politics is all about conning the electorate, skimming
their votes with ‘feel good’ populism and sound bites. Failing to realize that
a time may come when the move could boomerang.
Clearly, the landmark judgment by the Five-judge
Constitution Bench headed by Chief Justice KG Balkrishna, upholding 27 per cent
quota for other backward classes (OBCs) in Central Government institutions of
higher education has done a fine balancing act between the anti-reservation
lobby and the pro-reservation politicos by playing both ends against the
middle. Leaving both disgruntled.
Our caste crazy netagan
who have built their career edifice by practising Backward politics, are
livid that the “creamy layer” among the OBCs (their brood, children of judges, Class I and II babus et al and those earning Rs 2.5 lakh annually) have been
excluded from deriving the benefits of such reservation. Three judges were also
against extending the benefits of reservation beyond graduation level. If this
interpretation stays, the OBCs will not get reservation in either the IIMs,
AIIMS or in other postgraduate courses. Justified Chief Justice K G
Balakrishnan, “if the creamy layer is included it would be unreasonable,
discriminatory or arbitrary, resulting in reverse discrimination.”
The verdict has knocked the bottom of the time-worn system
of having purely all caste-based quotas. One, because it went against the
tenets of Article 15(1) (prohibits discrimination on the ground of caste…) of
the Constitution Two, the Court felt that unless the creamy layer (forwards
among the Backward Classes) was excluded from the caste group, there could not
be a proper identification of the socially and educationally backward classes
(SEBC) based on poverty which need to be economically and socially uplifted.
Three, for the caste-fixated politicos the verdict is
totally out-of-sync with their greed for power. Specially when they can reap a
political windfall of over 70 per cent votes via reservation. See how they are
all busy finding ways to get the creamy layer included by raising the income
limit and getting post graduate institutions included. Never mind if it pushes India back by a
century.
True, the Apex Court needs to be lauded for it’s affirmation
of the principle of positive discrimination in favour of the SEBCs while
rejecting that social backwardness was a direct function of one’s caste status.
As also calling for a review of the OBC quota list every five years.
However, the anti-reservation lobby led by the Youth for
Equality is very unhappy. Whatever
happened to merit and excellence? When does justice supercede competence? What
about the Prime Minister’s much-touted Knowledge Commission? Questionably, is
reservation an end in itself? Has any objective study been done to find out
whether those provided reservation have gained or continued to lose? How does
it better the lot of the ‘deprived’ if a few persons get educated or get jobs?
Look at the grim truth. Fifty per cent of the reserved seats
of the IITs remain vacant (even the much lower entry marks were not secured by
the students). Worse, after completing a Preparatory Course, many students
continue to be unprepared for the intense competition and 'grading on a curve'
that they are thrown into. And 25 per cent of those who joined were forced to
quit as they were unable to complete the four-year course even in six
years! A recent survey points that 23.5
per cent college seats are already with the OBC's on merit. Why then the need
for reservations?
Not only that. The Parliamentary Committee on Welfare of SC
& ST (1995-2000) noted that in Delhi
University between 50 per
cent of the under-grad SC seats and 66 per cent ST remained unfilled. As per
the University Grants Commission, 1.2 lakh reserved category seats remain
vacant at the higher education levels and 40 per cent of reserved category
teaching staff posts remain unoccupied. It stands to reason why increase the
reserved seats if they go wasted? Is this good use of the taxpayer's money?
Since higher education is costly, who will foot the reserved
students’ tuition fees? Specially against the backdrop that nearly Rs 450
billion is spent on professional courses, including medical, dental and
engineering. According to an academician, over 85,000 seats remained vacant in
the engineering stream during 2003-04 in DU. And, in Karnataka alone, 400 seats
in dental colleges remained unfilled.
Less said the better about the teaching staff. Are our
politicians aware that over 500 vacancies exist in the reserved teachers’ quota
for colleges simply because no candidate could pass the Merit Eligibility
Test.? In Karnataka, at least four Government colleges don’t have 60 per cent
of the required staff because they failed the eligibility test. Instead of
going into the cause, the Centre is now thinking of changing the MET itself to
help unsuccessful teachers meet the eligibility. With future teachers such as
these, God help our education.
At the same time, none has given a thought to the
demoralising impact on the psyche of the qualified individuals denied admission
to these colleges. What happens to them? Where do they head? In fact, the verdict in one sense seems to
concur with the views of the anti-reservationists. It has raised questions on
the effectiveness of such a policy for bringing equality in the society.
Specially, as even after six decades of a reservation policy thanks to caste
politics the objectives have not been achieved.
As it stands today, there is no deletion in the list of
OBCs, instead it goes on increasing. Thus raising a doubt whether anyone is
truly interested in removing the inequality? All seem to have forgotten that
the Father of the Constitution, Babasaheb Ambedkar wanted to do away with the
quota policy after ten years. Needless to say, this Mandal II has reignited the
merit vs. quota debate. Once implemented, the new policy would take the overall
reservation in the Central Government-funded higher education institutions to
49.5 per cent from the current 22.5 (for SC and ST students).
Post liberalization and in the environs of an increasingly
competitive global village, the thirst for education has gone up by over 10-15
per cent. In Bihar alone, educational
institutions have opened in every mohalla
and gali. But is reservation the
answer for bridging the gap between the demand and supply for education? Given
the onslaught of expanding students and a shrinking education pie.
No, most certainly not. The danger in imposing arbitrary
quotas on admissions to educational
institutions is three-fold. One, academic standards would suffer as
institutions would no longer be able to admit the highest-scoring students.
Two, it would be difficult to attract and retain good faculty, who is likely to
get frustrated with a poor standard of students. Three, any deterioration in
the quality of education which reflects in short-changing Brand India could
jeopardize our remarkable story of economic growth.
Importantly, the Government needs to develop new and
innovative ways of providing basic primary education for the backward classes
to enable them to compete on an equal footing for merit-based admission to
universities. By trying to play catch-up at the college level and cramming down
of quotas on education institutions is like putting the cart before the horse.
Look at the absurdity. A recent survey by an NGO showed only
52 per cent students were attending schools in Bihar and 60 per cent in Rajasthan,
UP, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. Also, 44 per cent children
in public schools in Std II to V couldn’t read simple paragraphs. Nearly five
per cent couldn’t do two-digit subtraction sums and in Std VI to VII 40 per
cent were unable to handle simple division problems. None know whether the
UPA’s flagship, the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
is actually resulting in kids getting better education.
True, the Government’s fundamental mission is to provide
education for all and uplift the poor and backward classes. However, it needs
to remember that the system of caste-based quotas has become divisive and
self-defeating. Reservations are no
answer to improving the lot of the OBCs. It will only further divide our people
on caste lines and increase the divide between the haves and have-nots. As
Ambedkar said, “If you want different societies to come together, I think it is
time that we decide that the use of the word ‘caste’ be banned.” Else reconcile
to becoming a nation of mediocrity! --- INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature
Alliance)
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Babudom Gets A Hike:WHAT ABOUT EXIT POLICY?,Poonam I Kaushish, 5 April 2008 |
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POLITICAL DIARY
New Delhi, 5 April 2008
Babudom Gets A Hike
WHAT ABOUT EXIT
POLICY?
By Poonam I Kaushish
It is raining big bucks in New Delhi’s political Wonderland. A cursory
glance would have Alice
exclaim, “Who needs rabbits. Bureaucrats will do!” And over the last fortnight
we have been witness to a grand show. The farmer loan waiver razzmatazz has
made way for the Babu bonanza. Working
on a perfect give and take. Pay hike in return for vote.
How else should one react to the Sixth Pay Commission’s report
earmarking an over three-fold increase in the salaries and allowances for
Government employees across the board for both civilian and defence personnel.
All with retrospective affect beginning January 2006. No matter that when
implemented, this is expected to cause an additional annual encumbrance of Rs
20,000 crore, Rs 12,500 crore this year alone. All in the aam aadmi’s khaata.
There is no gainsaying that there is a genuine case to
increase the salaries of Government employees, but shouldn’t it be linked to
better performance and productivity? The present hike doesn't seem to be have any
realistic link to performance. Is it justifiable? Honestly speaking, absolutely
not. Specially against the backdrop that the bureaucracy today works on Andrew
Jackson's famous dictum "let the victors have the spoils." Bluntly,
they have become a law onto themselves. Resulting in no accountability, no fear
of being fired, and hence it’s the biggest pay packet for non-productive work,
coupled with the arrogance that they are indispensable.
Most civil servants, according to popular belief, neither
take initiative nor have any commitment to the service of the people. They are
more than happy to be on the right side of their political masters. This helps,
at least some of them, to get promoted more rapidly than their performance and
seniority justify. Some even succeed in bagging political offices by obliging
the right politician through thick and thin. Top slots in the administration
are now filled in accordance with the whims and fancies of the political
master, contrary to the established norms in regard to appointments and tenure
in leading civil services.
Large-scale shuffles and reshuffles of the bureaucracy with
every change of the political master have become overtly common. Feelings are
gaining ground that political closeness and personal loyalty to powerful
political superiors is more rewarding than mere seniority or merit. Instead of
the right man for the right job being the criteria, there is invariably a wrong
man for the right job for wrong reasons! Bringing it to such a pass that caste,
corruption, political connections and administrative lacunae are the factors
that count when it comes to promotions. Consequently, most babus have little interest in taking any initiatives and are
willing to make self and boss-serving
compromises with the fundamentals of administration.
Remember, some time back the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
abjectly confessed: “I am disgusted with the system”, when it was discovered
that even Cabinet decisions had remained where they were taken --- on paper.
Perhaps, the file-pushers had to apply their heads to arrive at an agreed
conclusion as to who should push the file. And on who’s orders? The Cabinet,
their Minister or the political mai baap?
That apart, corruption is synonymous with babudom. Be it when applying for a
telephone connection, ration card, driver’s license, passport et al. Nothing
moves till palms have been greased for an average Indian. If one doesn’t have
the paisa then one must be thick
skinned and have no self respect. Babudom
thrives on holding one to ransom and at the mercy of their whims and
fancies. From the TC in the railways, to the Traffic cop, there’s no
questioning them.
One recent study by the Center for Media Studies, New Delhi, on corruption
in urban services reveals that "nearly half of those who avail the
services of the most frequently-visited public departments of Government in the
country have had first hand experience of greasing palms at least once".
It is this pervasiveness that has forced many to charge that bureaucrats have
"created such a steel frame around them that even the might of the State
can't dismantle it".
Between 1996 and 2000, the CBI and the Central Vigilance
Commission investigated 13,265 individuals for corruption. And, between 1998
and 2001, the CBI registered 2,256 cases under the Prevention of Corruption
Act. Of these 41 were from administrative departments, four were from the
police and 23 from the revenue department.
Think. Although India has more than 19 million State
and federal Government employees, about 20,000-odd federal officers control the
collection and disbursement of over $71 billion of federal revenues every year.
Of these, 6,000 senior administrative officers and an equal number of revenue
officers dictate the flow of funds throughout the country.
Even if a handful of these officials were to allow 10
percent leakage in revenue, it would cost the Government $7 billion. And,
assuming corrupt officials get a cut of just 10 per cent, the Indian
bureaucracy gets over $700 million a year - the amount of money that the
Central Bureau of Investigation estimates is spent towards greasing the palms
of Indian bureaucrats. Asserted an “honest corrupt babu,” “If greedy Indian businessmen can evade taxes, influence
policies and make money through devious means, why should not the Government
officer who moves their files get a share of the booty?”
Tragically today corruption has become a low risk, high-profit
area. Wherein the bureaucracy is the third angle of the triangular neta-babu-business axis which has
perpetuated a vulturistic culture of the winner takes all. The modus operandi
has been perfected to the last, deliberate scarcity of goods and services, red
tapeism and delay, lack of transparency (no matter Right To Information Act),
the cushion of a babu is innocent till proven guilty and last but not
least the bhaichara and biradari which bind the corrupt
together.
What kind of a system of governance then lies ahead of us? A
clue can be found in a survey of probationers at the National Academy of
Administration. It states that only 32 per cent of the new recruits condemn
corruption in the civil services. Only five per cent believe in harsh measures
to reduce corruption. Another 45 per cent believe that they are above the law.
What next? Clearly, the Government must downsize. From the Secretary
down to the chaprasi. Non-performing
government officers would be forcibly retired at the end of 20 years service. Alternatively,
if need be, ruthlessly dump the deadwood and irrelevant baggage. Besides,
organizational competence and productivity should be commensurate with a pay
hike in salaries, perks and promotions as in the private sector. An exit policy
of hire and fire is paramount if we desire an accountable, trustworthy and
honest bureaucracy.
Most important, they should be made more accountable. The
private sector is less corrupt because it has more accountability. We need is a
law, which will provide for confiscation of all ill-gotten wealth without any delays
and hesitations. Once the message goes down the rank and file that all ill-gotten
wealth will be confiscated, then the burden of proof will be on the bureaucrat to
prove that he got it legitimately. Ditto with the politician and the
industrialist.
Will the bureaucracy have the courage to correct itself and
overcome red tape? One way is to internalize the zero tolerance principle and
the "sunset principle" as in the US. Under this method,
justification for any governmental activity is all the time under scrutiny so
that no acts of misdemeanour take place.
True, the country can boast of a Government of the people
and a Government by the people. The moot point is: Can India look forward to a
Government for the people? Will our steel frame continue to rot and rust and
revel in mediocrity?
The writing is on the wall. We are reaching a point of no
return. If the Indian bureaucracy does not change its sense of values, it will
become increasingly irrelevant. It may exist by the sheer force of Newton's First Law of
inertia but it will not be playing a role which would make it a meaningful part
of the governance. It is the responsibility of the bureaucracy to see that the
government functions for the people Will babudom
rise to the occasion? Or will it be
remembered as the conversion of human energy into solid waste! ---- INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)
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Exodus From Armed Forces:REVISE SIXTH PAY COMMISSION,by Dr. P.K. Vasudeva,15 April 2008 |
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Defence
Notes
New Delhi, 15 April 2008
Exodus From Armed
Forces
REVISE SIXTH PAY
COMMISSION
By Dr. P.K. Vasudeva
A fresh and potentially crippling
round of exodus has hit the Armed forces, already facing severe manpower
crunch. There is a shortage of about 35,000 personnel in the Forces. In the
Army alone there is a shortage of 11,153 officers, Navy 1,403 officers and the
IAF is short of 1,368 officers.
The disappointment with the recommendations of the Sixth Pay Commission,
has forced dozens of officers to seek premature release from service and a
large number of them are planning to leave for greener pastures outside. The
pay package of a Major to Brigadier has gone up by just 13-15 per cent. A horde
of Lieutenant Colonels and Colonels are therefore queuing up to quit soon.
Defence Minister A K Antony has assured the Service chiefs that he will
push for corrections in the pay panel report to meet the aspirations of the
soldiers, who will be getting less than that of a peon of the civil services. But
such a situation could have been avoided in the first place. For much before the decision to appoint a Sixth Pay
Commission was taken by the Centre, the three Services’ chiefs had placed before
it the need to appoint a separate Pay Commission for defence services.
Their stance
was that no member of the Armed forces was included in the Pay commissions even
though the Forces comprised 40 per cent of the Central Government employees.
Moreover, the civilians were unable to comprehend the tough service conditions,
ground realities and military ethos which need to be taken into account while
working out the pay and allowances. Worse, the panel couldn’t appreciate the promotion structure, wherein a Brigadier
was given more pension than a Major-General and scrapped the running pay board,
which had partially compensated for limited promotions.
It needs
to be noted that all major democracies have a separate pay commission for the Armed
forces. Even the UK, whose
administrative pattern was followed by India post-Independence, has since
then set up a separate pay commission for its soldiers. But in our case, it was
the Third Pay Commission, which for the first time, was entrusted the task of
determining the pay and allowances of defence services. The panel, like in the
case of civilian employees, wanted to hear the case directly from the Armed
forces. But, the Ministry of Defence turned down the offer on grounds that the
requirements of discipline did not permit such an approach.
Further,
the pay commission was not required to go into the issue of service conditions
of defence personnel, but was to take them as "given". Unbelievable
as it may appear, the "untenable and preposterous" stance of the
ministry was accepted by the commission. The panel, perhaps on MoD’s
projections of the case, found service in the military advantageous and
remained oblivious of the travails of a career in the Armed forces.
Though the
Armed forces constitute nearly 40 per cent of the Central government employees
and its officers the largest officer cadre among the Central services, the
Fifth Pay Commission’s report, which ran into 2168 pages, had a mere 50 pages pertaining to the Armed
forces. The commission had a staff of 145 officers to assist it, which included
those from the postal services, Border Security Force, Indian Forest Service,
etc, but it declined to include a member of the Armed forces. The committee of
secretaries constituted to review the recommendations of the pay commission
included an officer from the Indian Police Service, but none from defence forces.
In
the Sixth Pay Commission, the Government rejected the plea to have a retired
defence officer. The move clearly dismayed officers at the three Services’ HQ
for they had, for the first time, put up a united front before the Government.
However, the Union Finance Ministry and the Pay Commission were not convinced
with the logic given.
The
Armed forces had also warned that a career in the Services had become
unattractive. There were about 14,000 vacancies in the officers' cadre and an
equal number in the technical cadre of the three Services. Since 2001, over 100
officers of the rank of Brigadier and above had left the Services for better
careers elsewhere. But the Government and the pay panel were unmoved by this
reasoning. Even a request by Antony
to review its earlier stand was turned down.
The report
submitted by the three Services jointly was based on a study carried out by the
College of Defence Management (CDM), Secunderabad, at the behest of the
Integrated Defence Staff (IDS). A group comprising 12 CDM officers from the
three Services, headed by a brigadier made a presentation in May last about the
model, which talks about a "military compensation" to Antony.
At the
end, the Sixth Pay
Commission has recommended up to a two-fold increase in the salaries
of defence personnel that would include a military service pay of up to Rs
6,000 a month for officers and Rs 1,000 for other ranks and grade pay, apart
from suggesting their direct entry into Central para-military forces on account
of ‘rigours of military life’. As for the three Defence forces’ chiefs, they will
be drawing Rs 90,000 per month, equivalent to the Cabinet Secretary post under
the new pay structure.
The
report, to be implemented with retrospect effect from January 1, 2006, has
recommended payment of arrears in two phases. However, the panel made it clear
that the Government needn’t pay any arrears for the military service pay (MSP).
In the officers’ category, it has recommended a pay scale of Rs 15,600-Rs
39,100 for Lieutenant, along with a grade pay of Rs 5,400 and MSP of Rs 6,000 a
month. Accordingly, the total revised monthly pay of Lieutenant, Sub-Lieutenant
or Flying Officer will be Rs 25,760 to Rs 28,890.Major-General/Rear Admiral/Air
Vice Marshal have been put in the pay scale of Rs 39,200-Rs 67,000 besides a
grade pay of Rs 9,000, but without any MSP. They will be getting a monthly
salary of Rs 52,280-Rs 54,480 as per the revised pay scales.
Other
perks like flying bounty, submarine allowance, field area, and counter insurgency
allowances have been recommended to be doubled. However, the Pay Commission has
rejected “hardship allowance, skill allowance, super specialist allowance, UAV
crew allowance and service incentive allowance”. For personnel below officer
rank, the commission has recommended as entry-level salary of Rs 10,670 (from
Rs 5000-7000) up to a maximum of Rs 24,950, including the special allowances.
By
introducing just two pay bands for officers, the Pay Commission has also attempted
to de-link the salary drawn from the rank. The salary will now depend more on
the years of service rather than the seniority of officers. While the exact
salaries will depend on factors such as years of service, applicable allowances
and technical skills, financial experts at the Ministry of Defence say that the
in-hand salary would go up by 40 per cent in most of the cases.
However, the three Service chiefs in a meeting with Antony have sought a
40-60 per cent hike for Armed forces personnel over and above the Pay
Commission's recommendations. Though there has been no official comment on the
submissions made, it is understood that the Service chiefs suggested that a separate
pay commission for the Armed forces should supplement the report.
Their argument: the forces were dismayed over the
recommendations of Justice Srikrishna report and that it had come at a time
when all the three Services were facing shortage of key middle-rung officers. Worse,
the shortage has been compounded by Armed forces’ training institutions
reporting shortfalls for the first time in getting recruits! Warning enough for
amends. ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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MODERN FORMS OF SLAVERY FLOURISH,9 March 2007 |
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Spotlight
New Delhi, 9 March 2007
MODERN FORMS OF
SLAVERY FLOURISH
NEW DELHI, April 10 (INFA): The United
Nations may have observed the International Day for the commemoration of the
200th anniversary last month of abolition of the Transatlantic Slave
Trade, slavery of the different kind continues globally.
Modern forms of slavery like human trafficking, forced
prostitution, child soldiers, forced and bounded labour and the use of children
in the international drug trade are still flourishing today, according to the
United Nations Newsletter.
The slavery-like practices, as the UN describes them, are
continuing largely as a result of discrimination, social exclusion and vulnerability
exacerbated by poverty.
It is estimated that 300,000 children are currently being
exploited as child soldiers in as many as 30 areas of conflict around the
world. Many of the kidnapped girls who are made into child soldiers are also
forced into sexual slavery.
The International Organization for Migration estimates that annually
700,000 women, girls, men and boys are being trafficked across borders away from their homes and families and
into slavery.
The International Labour Organisation reports that there are
191 million economically active children between 5 and 14 years of age. Nearly 40 per cent of these ---74 million
children---engage in ‘hazardous work’.
Linked to trafficking is the commercial sexual exploitation
of children from which 1 million children, mainly girls, are forced into
prostitution every year. These girls are
sold for sex or used in child pornography in both the developed and developing
world.
It is emphasized by the UN that all should work to address the root causes of slavery, to provide assistance and protection to its victims and to
ensure that there is no impunity for those who perpetuate the practice.
Through learning about the history of slavery and the slave
trade and the collective triumphs and battles that brought about its demise we
can seek to overcome the many pervasive forms of slavery that still exist
today. ---INFA
LEGAL AID FOR SLUM
DWELLERS
HYDERABAD, April 10 (INFA): Legal Services
Authority of Hyderabad Civil Courts would soon set up legal aid clinics in the
city slums to make legal services freely available to slum-dwellers.
Permanent legal aid clinics would extend legal advice and
other kind of allied services to the poor free of cost.
This gesture has come in the wake of a recent decision by
the Andhra Pradesh Legal Services Authority to provide free legal services to
the poor at their doorstep. The clinics would be run by competent judicial
officers.---INFA
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