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India Goes Overboard:KOWTOWING TO THE CHINESE,by Poonam I Kaushish, 19 April 2008 Print E-mail

POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 19 April 2008

India Goes Overboard

KOWTOWING TO THE CHINESE

By Poonam I Kaushish

The security said it all. Seventeen thousand policemen, National Security Guard commandoes, Chinese security personnel, clogged roads, lakhs stranded, over 45,000 man hours lost, 3 lakh cars burning 1.3 lakh litres of extra fuel, 50 flights cancelled and over 200 passengers stranded. All to keep away the Tibetan protestors and the Indian public from the Olympic torch run on New Delhi’s Rajpath stretch and its onward journey to the airport on Thursday last. So much for keeping alive the Olympian spirit!  

Worse, New Delhi’s lack of self esteem was on full national public display when it kowtowed to the Chinese paranoia about the safety of the Olympic torch from protesting Tibetans. It is all very well to assert that New Delhi as the host country was only trying to securitise the safe passage of the torch along with trying to do a balancing act: Of maintaining ties with China while preserving the "unique" relationship with the Tibetans and continuing to host the Dalai Lama.

However, by playing both ends against the middle it ended up with egg on its face. Heavens would not have fallen if the Tibetan protestors had been allowed to protest on the sidelines of the Olympic ceremony. Specially, after the Dalai Lama had given a clarion call to his followers to abhor violence. Till date the Tibetan protests have been peaceful. Moreover, India is a democracy with strong fundamentals of free speech and expression unlike Communist China gagged by its Government. Remember, the Tiananmen Square massacre.

Also, recall, that Beijing did not raise the ante against the UK and France when the Olympic torch was snuffed out and carried away by Tibetan protestors in London and Paris. What prevented New Delhi from following the American lead? Fearing that Tibetan protestors would try to abort the torch ceremony in San Francisco, it changed the venue at the last minute.

If truth be told, New Delhi allowed itself to be outmaneuvered by Beijing yet again. Asserted a China watcher: “I appreciate high idealism, the ideals of democracy. But I think what one has to look at is, ‘What is your leverage? What is your possibility of bringing about change in Indo-Sino ties?’” Zero.” Raising a moot point: Why do we always kowtow to the Chinese? Are we scared? 

Specially against the backdrop that Beijing has shifted the goalpost on the border issue immediately after the Prime Minister’s return from China early this year. First, it took strong exception to Manmohan Singh’s visit to Arunachal and accused India of building bunkers on the Sikkim borders. It claimed that Indian troops were transgressing into the Chinese side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and building structures along it and the Indo-Bhutan border. No matter the Chinese had destroyed bunkers on the India-Bhutan-Tibet tri-junction in November 2007.

Not only that. In the last few weeks Beijing has got New Delhi to cancel the Vice President’s meeting with the Dalai Lama, summoned our Ambassador past midnight to protest against storming of its Embassy in New Delhi. Chinese hackers have broken into External Affairs Ministry’s computer network possibly accessing e-mails through which officials communicate policy and decisions across the ministry’s offices in India and in our foreign missions.

Topped by an anti-India article on the China Institute of International Strategic Studies website titled ‘A Warning to the Indian Government: Don’t Be Evil!’ and replicated in the People Liberation Army’s journal. Calling India “arrogant”, it states: The present situation is just like in 1962, when India “misjudged the situation” and initiated a war “with the support of two superpowers”. It is on the “same old path of confrontation with China. To realise its ambition of becoming a regional and global power India was stationing its troops along its borders, particularly the Siliguri Corridor and borders it shares with Nepal and Bhutan.”

Clearly exposing Beijing’s thinking on strategic affairs viz New Delhi. Let’s face it. The genesis of the Sino-Indo border dispute is not Arunachal or the LAC but the strategically important Tibet, sandwiched between India and China, which acted as a buffer and was regarded as an impregnable barrier to security threats from India's north-east. Till the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950 changed the equation between Beijing and New Delhi for all times to come.

Sadly, the romanticist Nehru committed the crucial blunder of seeing the Maoist takeover of Tibet as heralding a new era of Asian renaissance and compounded it by signing a border trade agreement with China, categorically acknowledging Tibet as a ‘Region’ of China. Without any clue of where the ‘Region’s’ borders extended to. Predictably, a few months later, Chinese maps surfaced showing large parts of Ladakh and Assam (now Arunachal) as parts of Tibet. When Nehru asked his Chinese counterpart Chou en Lai, he said that the maps were "old" and that he would have them reviewed. It never happened.

Over 58 years later, we find the continuance of Nehru’s soft approach smacking of appeasement. Manmohan Singh, like Nehru not only seems to be bending over backwards to appease the Chinese but also appears to be following his disastrously flawed China policy. Like his predecessors, he too has assured Beijing that the Tibet is a part of China. Neither has it protested over the building of a railway link to Lhasa, which will improve its capacity in case of a conflict with India. Reminiscent of the massive road building in the 50s to liberate Tibet. Even as the Chinese persist in declaring Arunachal (specially Tawang) and large chunks of Ladakh as parts of Tibet and, therefore, an integral part of China.

Also, according to a top security expert, China may be tempted to engage in cross border military moves in Arunachal to divert attention from Tibet in the future. Towards that end it has started construction on its side of the old Stillwell road connecting Arunachal with its Yunnan province through Myanmar. It wants New Delhi to reopen this link, even as India plums for the road linking Manipur to Myanmar.

With water likely to emerge as a major security-related issue in southern Asia in the years ahead, India can hardly ignore the fact that the Indus, Sutlej and Brahmaputra originate in occupied Tibet. Importantly, not many are aware that China controls the origin base of many Indian rivers that originate in the Tibetan plateau. While the country is facing a severe water crisis, Beijing has already anticipated future water shortage and planned for it. Towards that end, it has constructed a dam at the headwaters of the Sutlej and the Brahmaputra to divert their waters to its parched provinces of Xingian and Gansu. Thus aggravating India’s water woes.

Beijing has been so loath to clearly define the frontline with India that it broke its 2001 promise to exchange maps of the eastern and western sectors by the end of 2002. It continues to occupy 43,180 sq kms of J&K including 5,180 sq km illegally ceded to Beijing by Islamabad under the Sino-Pakistan boundary agreement in 1963. China accuses India of 90,000 sq km of Chinese territory, mostly in Arunachal Pradesh

Scandalously, China continues to adopt double standards in regards to the McMohan line. While on the Indo-Sino border it regards the line as illegal, yet it recognizes the line demarcating its border with Myanmar.  As Myanmar is no threat to Chinese influence in the region unlike India. On Sikkim too, China may have ceased its cartographic aggression on it through its maps, but the important point, often overlooked, is that it has yet to expressly acknowledge that Sikkim is part of the Republic of India, while Arunachal is shown as a part of China and J&K as disputed. Interestingly, the areas currently in occupation of Pakistan and China are conveniently left out.

Of great concern to New Delhi are Beijing’s moves to make inroads in the Indian Ocean region. It has strengthened its presence in the blue waters surrounding  India. It has built a port in Gwadar for Pakistan, is financing port projects in Sri Lanka and Myanmar, is helping Bangladesh build its N-energy plan. Effectively rounding up India, while keeping New Delhi in good humour.

Time to take the Chinese bull by the horns and repair the damage from the blunders of Nehru and successive Prime Ministers. One way for New Delhi to get Beijing to give up its claims on Indian territories and formalise the present borders is to build counter-leverage by quietly reopening the Tibet annexation issue by China and its subsequent failure to grant autonomy to the Tibetans, despite an express pledge contained in the 17-point agreement it imposed on Tibet in 1951.

Manmohan Singh must remember that there is no place for rhetoric in dealing with China. Nor repeat the Olympic torch fiasco when in its eagerness to appease the Chinese, New Delhi scorched its national honour.  This one act carries with it a huge cost and a cross that India would have to bear for years to come. Clearly, our leaders need to proceed cautiously and realistically in their dealings with the inscrutable Chinese. --- INFA

(Copyright India News &Feature Alliance)                        

 

OBCs Join Study Quota:HOW DO WE SPELL MERIT?,by Poonam I Kaushish,12 April 2008 Print E-mail

POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 12 April 2008

OBCs Join Study Quota

HOW DO WE SPELL MERIT?

By Poonam I Kaushish

Ever wonder why the champions of Reservation Raj, our politicos don’t ever talk about reserving 50 per cent seats in Parliament and the State Legislatures for the SCs, STs and OBCs? Why stop at that. How about having at least 27 per cent reserved ministerial posts? The answer? Our netagan simply don’t want to slice their cake. After all, politics is all about conning the electorate, skimming their votes with ‘feel good’ populism and sound bites. Failing to realize that a time may come when the move could boomerang.

Clearly, the landmark judgment by the Five-judge Constitution Bench headed by Chief Justice KG Balkrishna, upholding 27 per cent quota for other backward classes (OBCs) in Central Government institutions of higher education has done a fine balancing act between the anti-reservation lobby and the pro-reservation politicos by playing both ends against the middle. Leaving both disgruntled.

Our caste crazy netagan who have built their career edifice by practising Backward politics, are livid that the “creamy layer” among the OBCs (their brood, children of  judges, Class I and II babus et al and those earning Rs 2.5 lakh annually) have been excluded from deriving the benefits of such reservation. Three judges were also against extending the benefits of reservation beyond graduation level. If this interpretation stays, the OBCs will not get reservation in either the IIMs, AIIMS or in other postgraduate courses. Justified Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan, “if the creamy layer is included it would be unreasonable, discriminatory or arbitrary, resulting in reverse discrimination.”

The verdict has knocked the bottom of the time-worn system of having purely all caste-based quotas. One, because it went against the tenets of Article 15(1) (prohibits discrimination on the ground of caste…) of the Constitution Two, the Court felt that unless the creamy layer (forwards among the Backward Classes) was excluded from the caste group, there could not be a proper identification of the socially and educationally backward classes (SEBC) based on poverty which need to be economically and socially uplifted.

Three, for the caste-fixated politicos the verdict is totally out-of-sync with their greed for power. Specially when they can reap a political windfall of over 70 per cent votes via reservation. See how they are all busy finding ways to get the creamy layer included by raising the income limit and getting post graduate institutions included. Never mind if it pushes India back by a century.

True, the Apex Court needs to be lauded for it’s affirmation of the principle of positive discrimination in favour of the SEBCs while rejecting that social backwardness was a direct function of one’s caste status. As also calling for a review of the OBC quota list every five years.

However, the anti-reservation lobby led by the Youth for Equality is very unhappy.  Whatever happened to merit and excellence? When does justice supercede competence? What about the Prime Minister’s much-touted Knowledge Commission? Questionably, is reservation an end in itself? Has any objective study been done to find out whether those provided reservation have gained or continued to lose? How does it better the lot of the ‘deprived’ if a few persons get educated or get jobs?

Look at the grim truth. Fifty per cent of the reserved seats of the IITs remain vacant (even the much lower entry marks were not secured by the students). Worse, after completing a Preparatory Course, many students continue to be unprepared for the intense competition and 'grading on a curve' that they are thrown into. And 25 per cent of those who joined were forced to quit as they were unable to complete the four-year course even in six years!  A recent survey points that 23.5 per cent college seats are already with the OBC's on merit. Why then the need for reservations? 

Not only that. The Parliamentary Committee on Welfare of SC & ST (1995-2000) noted that in Delhi University between 50 per cent of the under-grad SC seats and 66 per cent ST remained unfilled. As per the University Grants Commission, 1.2 lakh reserved category seats remain vacant at the higher education levels and 40 per cent of reserved category teaching staff posts remain unoccupied. It stands to reason why increase the reserved seats if they go wasted? Is this good use of the taxpayer's money?

Since higher education is costly, who will foot the reserved students’ tuition fees? Specially against the backdrop that nearly Rs 450 billion is spent on professional courses, including medical, dental and engineering. According to an academician, over 85,000 seats remained vacant in the engineering stream during 2003-04 in DU. And, in Karnataka alone, 400 seats in dental colleges remained unfilled.

Less said the better about the teaching staff. Are our politicians aware that over 500 vacancies exist in the reserved teachers’ quota for colleges simply because no candidate could pass the Merit Eligibility Test.? In Karnataka, at least four Government colleges don’t have 60 per cent of the required staff because they failed the eligibility test. Instead of going into the cause, the Centre is now thinking of changing the MET itself to help unsuccessful teachers meet the eligibility. With future teachers such as these, God help our education. 

At the same time, none has given a thought to the demoralising impact on the psyche of the qualified individuals denied admission to these colleges. What happens to them? Where do they head?  In fact, the verdict in one sense seems to concur with the views of the anti-reservationists. It has raised questions on the effectiveness of such a policy for bringing equality in the society. Specially, as even after six decades of a reservation policy thanks to caste politics the objectives have not been achieved.

As it stands today, there is no deletion in the list of OBCs, instead it goes on increasing. Thus raising a doubt whether anyone is truly interested in removing the inequality? All seem to have forgotten that the Father of the Constitution, Babasaheb Ambedkar wanted to do away with the quota policy after ten years. Needless to say, this Mandal II has reignited the merit vs. quota debate. Once implemented, the new policy would take the overall reservation in the Central Government-funded higher education institutions to 49.5 per cent from the current 22.5 (for SC and ST students).

Post liberalization and in the environs of an increasingly competitive global village, the thirst for education has gone up by over 10-15 per cent. In Bihar alone, educational institutions have opened in every mohalla and gali. But is reservation the answer for bridging the gap between the demand and supply for education? Given the onslaught of expanding students and a shrinking education pie.

No, most certainly not. The danger in imposing arbitrary quotas on admissions to educational institutions is three-fold. One, academic standards would suffer as institutions would no longer be able to admit the highest-scoring students. Two, it would be difficult to attract and retain good faculty, who is likely to get frustrated with a poor standard of students. Three, any deterioration in the quality of education which reflects in short-changing Brand India could jeopardize our remarkable story of economic growth.

Importantly, the Government needs to develop new and innovative ways of providing basic primary education for the backward classes to enable them to compete on an equal footing for merit-based admission to universities. By trying to play catch-up at the college level and cramming down of quotas on education institutions is like putting the cart before the horse.

Look at the absurdity. A recent survey by an NGO showed only 52 per cent students were attending schools in Bihar and 60 per cent in Rajasthan, UP, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. Also, 44 per cent children in public schools in Std II to V couldn’t read simple paragraphs. Nearly five per cent couldn’t do two-digit subtraction sums and in Std VI to VII 40 per cent were unable to handle simple division problems. None know whether the UPA’s flagship, the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is actually resulting in kids getting better education.

True, the Government’s fundamental mission is to provide education for all and uplift the poor and backward classes. However, it needs to remember that the system of caste-based quotas has become divisive and self-defeating.  Reservations are no answer to improving the lot of the OBCs. It will only further divide our people on caste lines and increase the divide between the haves and have-nots. As Ambedkar said, “If you want different societies to come together, I think it is time that we decide that the use of the word ‘caste’ be banned.” Else reconcile to becoming a nation of mediocrity! --- INFA

(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)         

 

Babudom Gets A Hike:WHAT ABOUT EXIT POLICY?,Poonam I Kaushish, 5 April 2008 Print E-mail

POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 5 April 2008

Babudom Gets A Hike

WHAT ABOUT EXIT POLICY?

By Poonam I Kaushish

It is raining big bucks in New Delhi’s political Wonderland. A cursory glance would have Alice exclaim, “Who needs rabbits. Bureaucrats will do!” And over the last fortnight we have been witness to a grand show. The farmer loan waiver razzmatazz has made way for the Babu bonanza. Working on a perfect give and take. Pay hike in return for vote. 

How else should one react to the Sixth Pay Commission’s report earmarking an over three-fold increase in the salaries and allowances for Government employees across the board for both civilian and defence personnel. All with retrospective affect beginning January 2006. No matter that when implemented, this is expected to cause an additional annual encumbrance of Rs 20,000 crore, Rs 12,500 crore this year alone. All in the aam aadmi’s khaata.

There is no gainsaying that there is a genuine case to increase the salaries of Government employees, but shouldn’t it be linked to better performance and productivity? The present hike doesn't seem to be have any realistic link to performance. Is it justifiable? Honestly speaking, absolutely not. Specially against the backdrop that the bureaucracy today works on Andrew Jackson's famous dictum "let the victors have the spoils." Bluntly, they have become a law onto themselves. Resulting in no accountability, no fear of being fired, and hence it’s the biggest pay packet for non-productive work, coupled with the arrogance that they are indispensable.

Most civil servants, according to popular belief, neither take initiative nor have any commitment to the service of the people. They are more than happy to be on the right side of their political masters. This helps, at least some of them, to get promoted more rapidly than their performance and seniority justify. Some even succeed in bagging political offices by obliging the right politician through thick and thin. Top slots in the administration are now filled in accordance with the whims and fancies of the political master, contrary to the established norms in regard to appointments and tenure in leading civil services.

Large-scale shuffles and reshuffles of the bureaucracy with every change of the political master have become overtly common. Feelings are gaining ground that political closeness and personal loyalty to powerful political superiors is more rewarding than mere seniority or merit. Instead of the right man for the right job being the criteria, there is invariably a wrong man for the right job for wrong reasons! Bringing it to such a pass that caste, corruption, political connections and administrative lacunae are the factors that count when it comes to promotions. Consequently, most babus have little interest in taking any initiatives and are willing to make self and boss-serving compromises with the fundamentals of administration.

Remember, some time back the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh abjectly confessed: “I am disgusted with the system”, when it was discovered that even Cabinet decisions had remained where they were taken --- on paper. Perhaps, the file-pushers had to apply their heads to arrive at an agreed conclusion as to who should push the file. And on who’s orders? The Cabinet, their Minister or the political mai baap?

That apart, corruption is synonymous with babudom. Be it when applying for a telephone connection, ration card, driver’s license, passport et al. Nothing moves till palms have been greased for an average Indian. If one doesn’t have the paisa then one must be thick skinned and have no self respect. Babudom thrives on holding one to ransom and at the mercy of their whims and fancies. From the TC in the railways, to the Traffic cop, there’s no questioning them.

One recent study by the Center for Media Studies, New Delhi, on corruption in urban services reveals that "nearly half of those who avail the services of the most frequently-visited public departments of Government in the country have had first hand experience of greasing palms at least once". It is this pervasiveness that has forced many to charge that bureaucrats have "created such a steel frame around them that even the might of the State can't dismantle it".

Between 1996 and 2000, the CBI and the Central Vigilance Commission investigated 13,265 individuals for corruption. And, between 1998 and 2001, the CBI registered 2,256 cases under the Prevention of Corruption Act. Of these 41 were from administrative departments, four were from the police and 23 from the revenue department.

Think. Although India has more than 19 million State and federal Government employees, about 20,000-odd federal officers control the collection and disbursement of over $71 billion of federal revenues every year. Of these, 6,000 senior administrative officers and an equal number of revenue officers dictate the flow of funds throughout the country.

Even if a handful of these officials were to allow 10 percent leakage in revenue, it would cost the Government $7 billion. And, assuming corrupt officials get a cut of just 10 per cent, the Indian bureaucracy gets over $700 million a year - the amount of money that the Central Bureau of Investigation estimates is spent towards greasing the palms of Indian bureaucrats. Asserted an “honest corrupt babu,” “If greedy Indian businessmen can evade taxes, influence policies and make money through devious means, why should not the Government officer who moves their files get a share of the booty?”

Tragically today corruption has become a low risk, high-profit area. Wherein the bureaucracy is the third angle of the triangular neta-babu-business axis which has perpetuated a vulturistic culture of the winner takes all. The modus operandi has been perfected to the last, deliberate scarcity of goods and services, red tapeism and delay, lack of transparency (no matter Right To Information Act), the cushion of a babu is  innocent till proven guilty and last but not least the bhaichara and biradari which bind the corrupt together.

What kind of a system of governance then lies ahead of us? A clue can be found in a survey of probationers at the National Academy of Administration. It states that only 32 per cent of the new recruits condemn corruption in the civil services. Only five per cent believe in harsh measures to reduce corruption. Another 45 per cent believe that they are above the law.

What next? Clearly, the Government must downsize. From the Secretary down to the chaprasi. Non-performing government officers would be forcibly retired at the end of 20 years service. Alternatively, if need be, ruthlessly dump the deadwood and irrelevant baggage. Besides, organizational competence and productivity should be commensurate with a pay hike in salaries, perks and promotions as in the private sector. An exit policy of hire and fire is paramount if we desire an accountable, trustworthy and honest bureaucracy.

Most important, they should be made more accountable. The private sector is less corrupt because it has more accountability. We need is a law, which will provide for confiscation of all ill-gotten wealth without any delays and hesitations. Once the message goes down the rank and file that all ill-gotten wealth will be confiscated, then the burden of proof will be on the bureaucrat to prove that he got it legitimately. Ditto with the politician and the industrialist.

Will the bureaucracy have the courage to correct itself and overcome red tape? One way is to internalize the zero tolerance principle and the "sunset principle" as in the US. Under this method, justification for any governmental activity is all the time under scrutiny so that no acts of misdemeanour take place.

True, the country can boast of a Government of the people and a Government by the people. The moot point is: Can India look forward to a Government for the people? Will our steel frame continue to rot and rust and revel in mediocrity?

The writing is on the wall. We are reaching a point of no return. If the Indian bureaucracy does not change its sense of values, it will become increasingly irrelevant. It may exist by the sheer force of Newton's First Law of inertia but it will not be playing a role which would make it a meaningful part of the governance. It is the responsibility of the bureaucracy to see that the government functions for the people Will babudom rise to the occasion? Or will it be remembered as the conversion of human energy into solid waste! ---- INFA

(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

 

 

Exodus From Armed Forces:REVISE SIXTH PAY COMMISSION,by Dr. P.K. Vasudeva,15 April 2008 Print E-mail

Defence Notes

New Delhi, 15 April 2008

Exodus From Armed Forces

REVISE SIXTH PAY COMMISSION

By Dr. P.K. Vasudeva

A fresh and potentially crippling round of exodus has hit the Armed forces, already facing severe manpower crunch. There is a shortage of about 35,000 personnel in the Forces. In the Army alone there is a shortage of 11,153 officers, Navy 1,403 officers and the IAF is short of 1,368 officers.

The disappointment with the recommendations of the Sixth Pay Commission, has forced dozens of officers to seek premature release from service and a large number of them are planning to leave for greener pastures outside. The pay package of a Major to Brigadier has gone up by just 13-15 per cent. A horde of Lieutenant Colonels and Colonels are therefore queuing up to quit soon.

Defence Minister A K Antony has assured the Service chiefs that he will push for corrections in the pay panel report to meet the aspirations of the soldiers, who will be getting less than that of a peon of the civil services. But such a situation could have been avoided in the first place. For much before the decision to appoint a Sixth Pay Commission was taken by the Centre, the three Services’ chiefs had placed before it the need to appoint a separate Pay Commission for defence services. 

Their stance was that no member of the Armed forces was included in the Pay commissions even though the Forces comprised 40 per cent of the Central Government employees. Moreover, the civilians were unable to comprehend the tough service conditions, ground realities and military ethos which need to be taken into account while working out the pay and allowances. Worse, the panel couldn’t   appreciate the promotion structure, wherein a Brigadier was given more pension than a Major-General and scrapped the running pay board, which had partially compensated for limited promotions.  

It needs to be noted that all major democracies have a separate pay commission for the Armed forces. Even the UK, whose administrative pattern was followed by India post-Independence, has since then set up a separate pay commission for its soldiers. But in our case, it was the Third Pay Commission, which for the first time, was entrusted the task of determining the pay and allowances of defence services. The panel, like in the case of civilian employees, wanted to hear the case directly from the Armed forces. But, the Ministry of Defence turned down the offer on grounds that the requirements of discipline did not permit such an approach.

Further, the pay commission was not required to go into the issue of service conditions of defence personnel, but was to take them as "given". Unbelievable as it may appear, the "untenable and preposterous" stance of the ministry was accepted by the commission. The panel, perhaps on MoD’s projections of the case, found service in the military advantageous and remained oblivious of the travails of a career in the Armed forces.

Though the Armed forces constitute nearly 40 per cent of the Central government employees and its officers the largest officer cadre among the Central services, the Fifth Pay Commission’s report, which ran into 2168 pages, had  a mere 50 pages pertaining to the Armed forces. The commission had a staff of 145 officers to assist it, which included those from the postal services, Border Security Force, Indian Forest Service, etc, but it declined to include a member of the Armed forces. The committee of secretaries constituted to review the recommendations of the pay commission included an officer from the Indian Police Service, but none from defence forces.

In the Sixth Pay Commission, the Government rejected the plea to have a retired defence officer. The move clearly dismayed officers at the three Services’ HQ for they had, for the first time, put up a united front before the Government. However, the Union Finance Ministry and the Pay Commission were not convinced with the logic given.  

The Armed forces had also warned that a career in the Services had become unattractive. There were about 14,000 vacancies in the officers' cadre and an equal number in the technical cadre of the three Services. Since 2001, over 100 officers of the rank of Brigadier and above had left the Services for better careers elsewhere. But the Government and the pay panel were unmoved by this reasoning. Even a request by Antony to review its earlier stand was turned down.

The report submitted by the three Services jointly was based on a study carried out by the College of Defence Management (CDM), Secunderabad, at the behest of the Integrated Defence Staff (IDS). A group comprising 12 CDM officers from the three Services, headed by a brigadier made a presentation in May last about the model, which talks about a "military compensation" to Antony.

At the end, the Sixth Pay Commission has recommended up to a two-fold increase in the salaries of defence personnel that would include a military service pay of up to Rs 6,000 a month for officers and Rs 1,000 for other ranks and grade pay, apart from suggesting their direct entry into Central para-military forces on account of ‘rigours of military life’. As for the three Defence forces’ chiefs, they will be drawing Rs 90,000 per month, equivalent to the Cabinet Secretary post under the new pay structure.  

The report, to be implemented with retrospect effect from January 1, 2006, has recommended payment of arrears in two phases. However, the panel made it clear that the Government needn’t pay any arrears for the military service pay (MSP). In the officers’ category, it has recommended a pay scale of Rs 15,600-Rs 39,100 for Lieutenant, along with a grade pay of Rs 5,400 and MSP of Rs 6,000 a month. Accordingly, the total revised monthly pay of Lieutenant, Sub-Lieutenant or Flying Officer will be Rs 25,760 to Rs 28,890.Major-General/Rear Admiral/Air Vice Marshal have been put in the pay scale of Rs 39,200-Rs 67,000 besides a grade pay of Rs 9,000, but without any MSP. They will be getting a monthly salary of Rs 52,280-Rs 54,480 as per the revised pay scales.

Other perks like flying bounty, submarine allowance, field area, and counter insurgency allowances have been recommended to be doubled. However, the Pay Commission has rejected “hardship allowance, skill allowance, super specialist allowance, UAV crew allowance and service incentive allowance”. For personnel below officer rank, the commission has recommended as entry-level salary of Rs 10,670 (from Rs 5000-7000) up to a maximum of Rs 24,950, including the special allowances.

By introducing just two pay bands for officers, the Pay Commission has also attempted to de-link the salary drawn from the rank. The salary will now depend more on the years of service rather than the seniority of officers. While the exact salaries will depend on factors such as years of service, applicable allowances and technical skills, financial experts at the Ministry of Defence say that the in-hand salary would go up by 40 per cent in most of the cases.

However, the three Service chiefs in a meeting with Antony have sought a 40-60 per cent hike for Armed forces personnel over and above the Pay Commission's recommendations. Though there has been no official comment on the submissions made, it is understood that the Service chiefs suggested that a separate pay commission for the Armed forces should supplement the report.

Their argument: the forces were dismayed over the recommendations of Justice Srikrishna report and that it had come at a time when all the three Services were facing shortage of key middle-rung officers. Worse, the shortage has been compounded by Armed forces’ training institutions reporting shortfalls for the first time in getting recruits! Warning enough for amends.  ---INFA

 

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

 

MODERN FORMS OF SLAVERY FLOURISH,9 March 2007 Print E-mail

Spotlight

New Delhi, 9 March 2007

MODERN FORMS OF SLAVERY FLOURISH

NEW DELHI, April 10 (INFA): The United Nations may have observed the International Day for the commemoration of the 200th anniversary last month of abolition of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, slavery of the different kind continues globally.

Modern forms of slavery like human trafficking, forced prostitution, child soldiers, forced and bounded labour and the use of children in the international drug trade are still flourishing today, according to the United Nations Newsletter.

The slavery-like practices, as the UN describes them, are continuing largely as a result of discrimination, social exclusion and vulnerability exacerbated by poverty.

It is estimated that 300,000 children are currently being exploited as child soldiers in as many as 30 areas of conflict around the world. Many of the kidnapped girls who are made into child soldiers are also forced into sexual slavery.

The International Organization for Migration estimates that annually 700,000 women, girls, men and boys are being trafficked across borders away from their homes and families and into slavery.

The International Labour Organisation reports that there are 191 million economically active children between 5 and 14 years of age.  Nearly 40 per cent of these ---74 million children---engage in ‘hazardous work’.

Linked to trafficking is the commercial sexual exploitation of children from which 1 million children, mainly girls, are forced into prostitution every year.  These girls are sold for sex or used in child pornography in both the developed and developing world.

It is emphasized by the UN that all should work to address the root causes of slavery, to provide assistance and protection to its victims and to ensure that there is no impunity for those who perpetuate the practice.

Through learning about the history of slavery and the slave trade and the collective triumphs and battles that brought about its demise we can seek to overcome the many pervasive forms of slavery that still exist today. ---INFA

LEGAL AID FOR SLUM DWELLERS

HYDERABAD, April 10 (INFA): Legal Services Authority of Hyderabad Civil Courts would soon set up legal aid clinics in the city slums to make legal services freely available to slum-dwellers.

Permanent legal aid clinics would extend legal advice and other kind of allied services to the poor free of cost.

This gesture has come in the wake of a recent decision by the Andhra Pradesh Legal Services Authority to provide free legal services to the poor at their doorstep. The clinics would be run by competent judicial officers.---INFA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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